Due to a recent group project relying on the use of Jesuit sources from various corners of the world, we recently explored some of the order's correspondence from 18th century Saint Domingue, ably translated by C. Rivers. Based in Cap-Francais, the Jesuits established in northern Saint Domingue were active for several years (beginning in c.1704) before their expulsion. Building parishes, proselytizing among the enslaved African population, serving the poor and sick white populations, and writing to their superiors to justify their mission and the need for funding, their letters offer another perspective on French Saint Domingue. While one would like to read sources from the other religious orders active in Saint Domingue at the same time, especially the Capuchins who were in the colony previously, as well as the Dominicans in Léogâne, the Jesuit letters provide an interesting set of sources on slavery in northern Saint Domingue. The letters of Fathers Margat and Bréban, beginning in 1725 and ending in 1743, document the transformation of Saint Domingue into a slave-based plantation society.
Fr. Margat's 1725 letter, for instance, sees the black population of the colony as the crown and glory of the Mission. By evangelizing and serving African and Creole slaves, they see the Jesuits as playing an important role in the colony. Certainly no abolitionist or modern-day anti-racist, Margat saw "Negroes" as simple, easy to convert ("little attached to their superstitions"), and reverent with regards to the sacrament of baptism. Already, in 1725, Margat hints at tensions with white planters, perhaps due to the blacks seeking the help of Jesuit priests to intercede on their behalf. Of course, like the Jesuit Relations from other corners of the world, Margat emphasized the isolation of the 18 missionaries, and their arduous work in a hostile climate (heat, tropical storms, mosquitoes, hurricanes). By 1729, Margat appears to be more exhausted and perhaps disturbed by the negative reports of the Mission's progress. For example, Margat's superior had received news of the failure of the Mission to convert the maroon or runaway slaves. He explained the failure as the result of a pointless mission to try to convert them, viewing the maroons as lawless, comparing them to highway bandits in France. Thus, Margat's letter is a testimony of the threat to colonial society posed by maroon bands, and an elucidation of the (partial) failure of the Mission to successfully convert the enslaved population.
His 1729 letter also covered the "extinction" of the island's indigenous population. Perhaps due to the Jesuit Missions in the American mainland with native populations, Margat's superior expressed interest in possible outreach to Hispaniola's indigenes. Margat's letter explained the destruction of the indigenous population by drawing on de Las Casas, suggestive of French adherence to the "black legend" of the Spanish. Perhaps this points to the French viewing their colonial enterprise as superior to the results of the Spanish Caribbean. Of course, the Louisiana colony's settler population were about to enter into a war with the Natchez later that year, and had already engaged in brutal conflicts with the Caribs even earlier. Even more intriguing, Margat mentioned the "Indian" village of Boya in the neighboring Spanish colony. He described them as descendants of "Indian" fugitives hiding in the mountains who were discovered by hunters. The people of Boya, though unnamed as such as by Margat, were now mixed-race and Christian, but retained some of their past customs. However, due to their virtual disappearance from the island and non-existence in French Saint Domingue, Margat believed the "Negroes" were their primary focus.
Writing in 1732, Bréban's letter sheds even more light on the Jesuits and slavery in the colony. Accepting chattel slavery as the horrible cost of bringing "true religion" to Africans, Bréban condescendingly pointed out the positive and negative traits of the black population. According to him, half of the slaves were from "Guinea" and the Africans resisted their enslavement in various ways. Indeed, revolts on slaveships were not unheard of, and slave suicides were a frequent problem for the French. The fear of poisonings was real and legitimate, as the case of one slave poisoning more than 60 blacks of one of the wealthiest planters in the region demonstrates. Africans and their descendants also used song and satire to mock others, especially whites. Thus, despite their "crude nature" and the cruel laws and practices put in place against them, they constantly asserted their humanity and creativity in a variety of ways to survive. Marronage, mentioned in the letter of Margat, undoubtedly persisted. In fact, Bréban asserted that Jesuits often became intermediaries between runaway slaves and their masters.
Although he considered blacks "half-beasts" and thieves, Bréban was somewhat sympathetic to their plight. Blaming their masters and the white population as the principal obstacle to the Mission, he saw the vanity of clothing among the slaves as a flaw inherited from their masters. Moreover, they were thieves and liars because their masters did not provide the bare necessities of food and clothing. Consequently, one could not be surprised that the enslaved population was always stealing food, attire, or other items. The French were also abusing, raping, and torturing enslaved Africans, with one case going so far as an enraged Frenchman murdering nearly all of his "property." Overall, the French were an impediment to the Christian example or model behavior the Jesuits wished to impart to their charges. The excessive work schedule and lack of basic necessities forced slaves to use their little free time to cultivate their gardens in order to feed themselves, which got in the way of their attending Mass. Even free blacks were considered harsh slaveowners. And, as one could except from someone with a low opinion of Africans and having to confront a linguistic barrier, preparing slaves to receive Communion first required questioning them several times on Catholic faith.
Our final letter examined in the exercise, Margat's 1743 letter to Procurator General of the missions of the same Society in the Islands of America, is even more detailed than all the previous correspondence on the actual priests who served in the Mission. Going back to the beginnings of the Jesuits in the Caribbean, Margat connects the early Jesuit presence in Saint Domingue and the French Caribbean possessions. Much of the body consists of an overview of the various works accomplished by leading Jesuits int eh mission. Father Jean-Baptiste de Pers of Flanders received mention for his organizational talent, skill for working with blacks, and his historical notes. Fr. Olivier of Morin Parish was a defender of enslaved blacks. Fr. Boutin was perhaps the most exceptional for his piety, comprehension of African languages, and leadership in administering the "Negro" Mass. Besides their missionary work among African slaves, Margat included examples of the work of Jesuits on behalf of paupers, the sick, and groups like white sailors. Since many came to Saint Domingue seeking their fortune but few became wealthy, the Jesuits always had poor or unfortunate whites to assist in Le Cap. As one would expect for a work of its genre, Margat requested additional assistance while emphasizing the positive impact of the Jesuits.
Although we still hope to continue our reading of Jesuit sources on Saint Domingue and French "Empire" in this era, one can already see the seeds of future conflict between the Jesuits and whites in the colony. Even their mild criticism of the institution of slavery would have won friends among local planters. It would seem that their missionary work among the African captive population probably did have some degree of success, particularly with priests like Boutin willing to use Creole and learn African languages. To some extent, Haitian Catholicism probably owes more than we realize to the Jesuits in northern Saint Domingue. Just as the Catholic Kingdom of Kongo and Catholic missions to Arada in the 17th century may have likewise shaped the evolution of our faith and spiritual practices.
