Guarionex and Maguá

 

A part of northeastern Hispaniola in Alonzo de Santa Cruz's Islario general. 

        What was Maguá? Often described in the early Spanish sources and later works drawing from those texts as one of the 5 major “kingdoms” or polities on the island, it was ruled by a cacique named Guarionex. To some extent, much is known about Guarionex through his initial alliance and later conflicts with the Spanish. Through the short account of Ramón Pané, even more is known about some of the central beliefs of the “Taíno” in that part of the island. Indeed, Guarionex initially supported the evangelization efforts of Pané. Through Las Casas and other sources, it is also clear that Guaricano, the town or settlement of Guarionex, was located near the initial site of Concepción de la Vega. Guarionex, who allegedly succeeded his father as cacique of Maguá, was also said to have controlled the plain of La Vega and ruled about 70 leagues of the interior or middle part of the island. Since this region included the Cibao and parts of the gold-producing centers so vital to Spanish interests, the region’s population was incorporated into the exploitative tribute system and expected to provide gold for the Europeans.

Yet Maguá and Guarionex remain an enigma for those interested in uncovering more about this part of the island’s indigenous geopolitical features before 1492. To what extent was Guarionex truly a paramount chief? Were his domains, however loosely held together, the better portion of Cayabo based on the Morales map of the island? Was succession in Maguá actually patrilineal? And what happened to the sister of Guarionex married to Diego Colón, the Indian interpreter from the Lucayan islands? To what extent can the c. 1514 repartimiento records illuminate aspects of Maguá’s history prior to 1492? This brief article will suggest that Guarionex’s chiefdom was perhaps better understood as a confederacy of aligned vassal chiefs participating in a partly ritualized network. This will become evident through a cursory examination of the various chronicles and relevant archival documents pertaining to the early colonial period. Though tentative, it shall be seen that Wilson’s view of Guarionex as a “first among equals” within his greater cacicazgo is the most appropriate model.

Let us begin with the nature of Maguá as the center of a paramount chief in the colonial sources. The earliest written attestation of Guarionex derives from Columbus’s journal of the first voyage in 1492. Mistakenly believing the locals referred to Guarionex as a separate island where gold could be found, he believed Guarionex was an island to the east.[1] This established quite early for Columbus that the territory of Guarionex must be explored and exploited. When Columbus next wrote of Guarionex, he knew better. According to his October 14, 1495 letter, “Guarionex, el cual (es) uno de los tres caçiques mayores de la isla porque él me avía enbiado muchas vezes presentes e a dezir que le plazía de fazer todo lo que yo horderase, y era enemigo d’este Cahonaboa y (a) esto también, porque no se conformase (ny) con otros caçiques para (ir) contra nosotros.” By the end of the letter, Columbus also referred to Guarionex’s sister marrying the Indian interpreter, Diego Colón.[2] Clearly, by 1495, Columbus understood that Guarionex was the name of a powerful cacique who was also interested in an alliance with the Spanish. Moreover, by stressing his enmity toward Caonabó and his marriage alliance with the interpreter of Columbus, a man who would have been central in all negotiations between Columbus and the cacique, Columbus saw in him a powerful and essential ally.

As one can expect, sending Pané to Guarionex’s region was therefore a critical strategic move on the part of Columbus. By endeavoring to evangelize his region and have missionaries learn the universal language of the island, Taíno, instead of the Macorix tongue, the Spanish could begin to increase their influence. To what extent Guarionex was one of the most powerful caciques of the island is still an unanswered question, but control of gold-producing areas and his influence on other caciques may have convinced the Admiral and Adelantado that they had to work through him. Moreover, through Pané’s short account of Indian “antiquities” and their notions of religion or spirituality, one has a glimpse of the role of the cacique and cemís in establishing the chief’s authority. For instance, Pané’s account includes references to what seems to have been the father of Guarionex (“Guarionel”), specifically linking him to the cemí known as Baraguabel. Moreover, Guarionex’s father allegedly told the prophecy from Yucahuguama in which clothed strangers were predicted to come to seize the land.[3] Undoubtedly, caciqual authority was tied to the veneration and communion with cemí figures. Moreover, the prophecy in which Guarionex’s father was involved highlights one of the roles of the cacique as an intermediary between his subjects and powerful cemís. Of course, if the prophecy was already discussed in 1494 when Pané was endeavoring to spread the gospel in Guarionex’s territory, then some of the locals harbored negative views of the Christians. Yet when a coalition of caciques attacked the Spanish in 1495, Guarionex did not join. Indeed, even after abandoning Christian prayer and becoming hostile to them, he did not directly join the coalition. Intriguingly, Pané also referenced Guarionex’s mother, referring to her as “the worst woman I have known in these parts” without explanation.[4]

In addition to Pané and Columbus, an allusion to Guarionex from 1495 may be found in a report on the tribute received in gold and jewels by the Admiral. The list of tribute included gold brought in La Concepción and Santo Tomás by some caciques.[5] Since La Concepción was built near Guarionex’s settlement and he was expected to provide a large amount of gold in tribute to the Christians, one can surmise that Guarionex was part of this group of caciques who presented gold. As the cacique with a degree of influence over several other caciques, this presumably meant naborías or commoners were expected to pan for gold in streams and provide it to the caciques to pass on to the Spanish. Due to insatiable Spanish demand and the unfamiliarity of the Taíno with gold mining on a scale Europeans would have liked, one can imagine these tribute demands were perceived as onerous by subjects of Guarionex and his vassal chiefs. Consequently, he attempted to change the tribute to one of agricultural products, to no avail. Nonetheless, it illustrates one way caciques exerted their authority over their subjects: labor tribute for gold, yucca or other products.

Besides these early allusions to Guarionex by Columbus and Pané, other sources on him were composed later and relied heavily on oral reports or the writings of Columbus and others. Thus, Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, in De Orbe Novo, referred to a “Guarionexius” valley beyond the Cibao, falling under the remit of caciques called Guarionexius through patrilineal succession. This valley was allegedly 190 miles long east to west, and 30 to 50 miles broad at its widest. Beginning at Canabocoa, it crossed Huhabo and Cahibo, ending in Bainoa at the district of Mariena.[6] Supposedly, Cibao, Cahonao, and Cazabucana bordered it. If one can make sense of this description, the name Guarionex may have been a title used for the ruler of this valley, which may have been a hereditary position. If it ended at Mariena, or Marien, Guacanagarí was in Guarionex’s sphere of influence or very close to it. Cacacubana was said to have been at least partly inhabited by Macoris speakers. If Guarionex’s domains really did border upon those of Guacanagarí of Marien, one can see why the latter may have been so interested in forging an alliance with Columbus.

Las Casas and Oviedo are also very important later chronicle authors who touch upon Guarionex’s chiefdom. Oviedo, who did not arrive on the island until over a decade after Guarionex’s death, relied on the testimony of earlier settlers and perhaps written sources. According to Oviedo, Guarionex ruled all the plain and more than 70 leagues of land in the middle of the island. Furthermore, Guarionex and 14 (other sources claim 15) other caciques battled the Spanish near the site where Bonao was built. Although they were defeated, Oviedo believed that Guarionex only made peace after his wife was seized by the Spanish. He also claimed Mayobanex was a captain general of Guarionex, perhaps illustrating Oviedo’s reliance on oral sources that conflated different moments of Guarionex’s career.[7]

Las Casas, on the other hand, provided a more detailed account and benefitted from his earlier arrival on the island. For example, he is one of the few chroniclers to name Guarionex’s settlement (Guaricano). He also identified one of the vassals of Guarionex who was “lord” of the Cibao, said to have mustered 16,000 men for war when called upon by Guarionex.[8] This could be an allusion to the alleged 15,000 Indians raised by Guarionex and Indian allies against Bartolomé Colón.[9] If so, then the Cibao cacique was probably not capable of solely raising 16,000 men. It nonetheless speaks to the great resources in people of this part of the island. Indeed, later sources estimate that the Cibao may have had a population of 90,000 inhabitants in c. 1492.[10] With access to such an ample supply of labor, Guarionex could easily appear to the Christians as one of the most powerful caciques on the island.

Northeastern Hispaniola in the Morales map.

Besides the chronicles, a few additional insights into the nature of Maguá and its nearby regions may be found from the 16^th century. The 1514 Repartimiento records demonstrate that La Concepción de la Vega’s vecinos continued to enjoy the fruits of the labor of a large part of Hispaniola’s remaining indigenous population. Several caciques whose communities were assigned to encomenderos in La Concepción included names such as Almirantico, Ayraguay, Lucas de Cotuy, Guacoquex, Macote, Manicaotex and others. Among these caciques was Diego Colón, the translator of Columbus who had learned the Spanish language and traveled to Europe.[11] Diego Colón’s group only included 15 Indians assigned to Pero Lope de Mesa, yet one cannot help but wonder if Diego Colón’s claims here were reinforced by his marriage to Guarionex’s sister. Despite Guarionex’s death in 1502, and his earlier flight to the lands of Mayobanex which may have ended any influence of his family in Maguá, perhaps Guarionex’s sister was still alive. Lingering claims to authority or status among the indigenous peoples near La Concepción may have been associated with her as the sister of the last cacique. Regardless, by 1517, Diego Colón was considered a failure in terms of leading an indigenous group freely, despite his education.[12] Further, the distribution of the indigenous population assigned to encomenderos here may have been significantly reshaped by 1514, particularly by population losses, displacement, and the demands of the encomienda system.

Subsequent sources during the colonial era add little. The biographer of Columbus, Fernando Colón, attributed Guarionex’s joining of a plot against the Spanish to a Christian seducing or assaulting his wife.[13] If true, this shows how much it took for Guarionex to finally sever his initial alliance with the Spanish. Moving into the 1700s, Luis Joseph Peguero merely described a large plaza near the “palace” of Guarionex in his settlement. Supposedly the population reached 10,000 houses, but one must interpret these figures carefully given the exaggerated numbers in the chronicles upon which Peguero based his work.[14] Émile Nau, the 19^th century Haitian historian, mistook the relative of Guarionex married to Diego Colón for the cacique’s daughter. But little else is reported besides the fanciful theory of Nau that the Ciguayos were relatives of the Caribs based on their bellicose nature.[15] Little is reported here that can be used to ascertain the nature of the Maguá cacicazgo’s political organization.

Fortunately, the picture improves with more recent scholarship on the indigenous peoples of the island. Sven Loven emphasized the densely populated nature of Maguá, suggesting it surpassed all other parts of the island.[16] Ricardo Alegría, in his MA thesis, endeavored to define the borders of Maguá, which may have encompassed lands from the Cape of San Rafael to Macorix on the north coast, including the central, lower and best parts of the Cibao valley. In addition, Guarionex supposedly had 21 nitaínos serving under him, with villages at Batey, Sabanacoa, Corojay, Cotuy, Cabao, Ciguayo, Tuna, Guayhamaca, Goacoa, Janique, Marien, Maymon, Majagua, Macorix de Arriba, Majonix, Maguey, Manicu, Samana, Yaguax, and Yaguahayucu.[17] Alegría likely overextended the domains of Maguá’s cacique, although the chronicles suggest at least 14 or 15 caciques were aligned with Guarionex in some fashion.

In the second half of the 20^th century, newer studies raised novel questions or approaches to interrogate the chronicles on the nature of Taíno sociopolitical organization and the geopolitical configuration of Hispaniola in 1492. Scholars such as Bernardo Vega sought to analyze the map of Morales, the chronicles, and other sources to address the borders of the cacicazgos and how indigenous peoples divided the island. Based on the map of Morales, we know that the Caihabo section included Maguá, Cocacubana, Cubana, Dahaboon, Cybaho, Manabaho, Cotoy and Baiohaigua. Guarionex’s territory, based on Martyr d’Anghiera, may have stretched from Moca to Fort Liberté and definitely included the area where the Spanish built Concepción de la Vega.[18] Vega has also suggested that the Ciguayos occupied the area from Cubao to Macao, from La Vega to Higüey. Maguá itself may have meant valley in the Taíno language. Ultimately, the value of Vega’s intervention here is to question the simple 5 paramount chiefdom model for the island.

On the other hand, some scholars accept the other divisions of the island from the Morales map and Martyr d’Anghiera whilst retaining the paramount chieftaincies model. Gilbert Valmé wrote of the grand village of Guarionex on the Rio Verde as having a population of more than 5,000 people. Maguá, perhaps encompassing the valleys of the Yuna and Camu rivers, was the complex cacicazgo dominating a much larger region. Indeed, Valmé even claims the batey of Guarionex’s village was 15,972 square meters.[19] With its large population and access to river systems and exchange with the coast, Maguá would have been the center of a densely packed region. The spiritual cemí powers and connections of Maguá’s chieftains may have also played a role in their influence on other caciques in the Cibao and nearby locations. For instance, the belief in the cave site of Cacibajagua as an origin for humans on the island could have encompassed ritual pilgrimages and larger networks of kinship that connected Maguá’s rulers with other caciques. In fact, Oliver has suggested the gifting of an areito by Guarionex to the non-Taíno Mayobanex may have been so powerful because it tied that cacique to the cemífied ancestors of Guarionex and Maguá’s leadership.[20]

Undoubtedly, the most sophisticated analysis of Guarionex and the Maguá chiefdom can be found in Wilson’s important study of the chiefdoms of the island. For Wilson, the existence of several large villages by the Rio Verde attests to the region’s large population on the eve of European contact. But in the eastern Vega Real, higher levels of rainfall would explain the greater density of population.[21] This would have made Guarionex especially powerful if successful in leading the complex chiefdom’s network of vassal chiefs, as their laborers could be expected through tribute to supply many resources. However, in some respects Guarionex’s position was more of a primus inter pares among the region’s chiefs. He had to use persuasion, kinship, gifts, or displays to ensure other caciques obeyed.[22] Thus, the nature of Guarionex’s authority was hardly despotic and required skillful and dynamic leadership to meet new challenges and maintain the allegiance of the various vassals. This can be seen in his involvement in the 1497 attack against the Christians, which Guarionex may have only joined after the attack on his wife. Certainly, in 1495, Guarionex preferred to maintain peaceful relations with Columbus while some of his subjects desired to use violence. Later, by the time Guarionex fled to the land of Mayobanex, he may have already lost the fragile coalition he once dominated in 1492.

Unable to meet the challenge posed by onerous gold tributes to the Christians or maintain peace, Guarionex fled his lands and later died after years of imprisonment. The story of his capture recalls the ignominious fall of the Haitian, Charlemagne Péralte, during the US Occupation.[23] Nonetheless, Guarionex’s case and the Maguá cacicazgo appear to have been a confederacy exerting great influence over much of the northeastern and parts of central Hispaniola. Control of or influence over regions which held much mythological or symbolic importance, as well as the cemí spirits tied to his lineage and their oracular powers, likely increased Maguá’s power over large swathes of Cayabo. Nonetheless, the nature of this power or authority was likely not very centralized and may have required persuasion, kinship links, ritual feasting displays, gifts, and astute political leadership to maintain. Due to the relatively large population concentrated in this part of Hispaniola in precolonial times, one may assume this access to the labor of the commoners increased Maguá’s power. And even though gold was not mined in a highly productive manner, access to gold deposits as well as other resources likely increased Maguá’s influence on the island of Hispaniola. It would be interesting to compare more closely Maguá and Xaragua as the two polities of the island which appear to have been more effective confederations dominated by chiefly families. In the case of Xaragua, the lack of adequate rain was met through irrigation ditches. The absence of gold was compensated for by Xaragua’s excellent woodcarving and cotton, which could have been items of exchange with Maguá for gold. One also wonders if the marriage of Anacaona to Caonabó was perhaps intended to support a buffer chiefdom against Maguá’s influence in the northeast.

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[1] Cristóbal Colón, Consuelo Varela Bueno and Juan Gil Fernández (editors), Textos y documentos completos, 182.

[2] Ibid., 316.

[3] Fray Ramón Pané, Susan C. Griswold (trans.), An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians, 30-31.

[4] Ibid., 37. Was she sexually promiscuous or possessed too much political power?

[5] “Relación del oro y joyas que recibió el Almirante después que el Receptor Sebastián de Olano partió de la Isla Española para Castilla , desde 10 de marzo de 1495” in Colección de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organización de las antiguas posesiones españolas en América y Oceanía, sacados de los Archivos del Reino, y muy especialmente del de India, Tomo X, 7.

[6] Probably Marien.

[7] Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general y natural de las Indias, primera parte, 61.

[8] Bartolomé de las Casas, Apologética historia sumaria, 2654.

[9] Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias, Vol. 2, 145.

[10] Alfredo Bueno Jiménez, Virginia Flores Sasso, y Esteban Prieto Vicioso. 2026. «Las Resistencias Tempranas En Cibao y La cuestión Del Santo Cerro, 1494-1497». Fronteras De La Historia 31 (2), 82-83.

[11] Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española: El repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514, 555. For more caciques in this area, 555-558, 569, 589. Caciques attached to encomenderos in Santiago, La Concepción and perhaps Puerto Plata may have once been part of the confederacy-like chiefdom of Guarionex. In terms of caciques with the largest number of Indians, Ayala, Barahona, and Diego Enrique each led over 100 Indians. Another, Ynamoca de Casambanas can join this list. In Bonao, a cacique named Francisco, one of the more Westernized indigenous leaders, led many people split between 3 different encomenderos: 94. Meanwhile, Santiago had Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, served by 191 Indians under a cacique named Escobar.

[12] Hieronymite Interrogatory in Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi, Los domínicos y las encomiendas de indios de la Isla Española, 318. A few other educated or acculturated caciques were considered also incapable of living without the tutelage of the Christians, such as cacique el Dotor in Santiago and don Francisco in Bonao.

[13] Fernando Colón, A. Fournier (trans.), Histoire de la vie et des voyages de l’amiral Christophe Colombe, 387. The violence and outrages committed by the Europeans against indigenous women were a frequent cause of unrest.

[14] Luis Joseph Peguero, Historia de la Conquista de la isla Española, Tomo Primero, 67-68.

[15] Émile Nau, Histoire des caciques d'Haïti, 127, 186.

[16] Sven Loven, Origins of the Tainan Culture, 76, 529. He also claimed Mayobanex had given one of his wives to Guarionex, a claim we have not seen in the sources.

[17] Ricardo Alegría, “Cacicazgo Among the Aborigines of the West Indies,” 76.

[18] Bernardo Vega, Los Cacicazgos de la Hispaniola, 17, 26.

[19] Gilbert Valmé, Atabey, Yacayequey, Caney: 6000 ans d'aménagement territorial préhispanique sur l'île d'Ayiti: Haïti/République Dominicaine: une approche holistique du patrimoine aux Antilles: les paysages culturels, 178, 181, 225.

[20] José R. Oliver, Caciques and Cemi Idols: The Web Spun by Taino Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, 107-108. One can see this perhaps being used by Guarionex’s predecessors to consolidate their chiefdom’s hegemonic position in La Vega and Cibao, extending or contracting based on the skills of the caciques in politics. When Guarionex failed to successfully eradicate the destructive impact of the Spanish tribute system, he appears to have lost support in the coalition Maguá once dominated. In fact, when he fled to the territory of Mayobanex, 3000 Indians joined the Spanish against him and his allies there. Even Mayobanex’s people wanted Guarionex to be surrendered to the Spanish to end the Christian attacks on their communities. See Anderson-Córdova, Surviving Spanish Conquest: Indian Fight, Flight, and Cultural Transformation in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, 190.

[21] Samuel Wilson, Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus, 80-81.

[22] Ibid., 102.

[23] Ibid., 107. The 12 Christians who captured Guarionex and Mayobanex used bixa to change their skin color to black and red, then sneaked into the area where Mayobanex and Guarionex were hiding. Blackface was also used by the US Marine who captured Charlemagne Péralte.

Exploring Caizcimu, or Higüey Chiefdoms

  

Eastern part of Hispaniola (including Caizcimu and Higuey) from the 1517 Morales Map.

Higüey, or Caizcimu, the eastern part of Hispaniola, represents another region which hosted a major cacicazgo in the time of Columbus. But when one examines surviving documentary evidence, the theory of a paramount chiefdom in eastern Hispaniola becomes much weaker or ambiguous. Instead, as Alice Sampson has hinted, the peoples of Caizcimu, the face of the island of Haiti or Quisqueya, may have been part of a shifting network of chiefdoms which were not necessarily dominated by a single one for long.[1] This model is perhaps more appropriate for understanding how the societies in eastern Hispaniola were organized before colonialism. Alternatively, the area may have once been under the rule of a paramount cacique. But, at some point early in their conflicts with the Spanish, this paramount chief, Cayacoa, died. Succeeded by a wife, who later converted to Christianity, the area may have reverted to a shifting network of alliances without one single cacique paramount. In order to explore these theories, what follows will be our attempt to trace the history of Higüey (or Caizcimu) over time using documentary sources.

Spanish Colonial-Era Sources

            Naturally, one must begin with the sources from the early colonial encounter, conquest, and the rest of the sixteenth century. Beginning with Columbus, early Spanish sources provide important glimpses of various aspects of indigenous societies on the island. While few answer the types of questions we have today about the origins and political organization of the indigenous peoples of the island, the standard chronicles usually imply a powerful, paramount chiefdom existed in the eastern part of the island. Some sources name it as Higüey, yet others, like Oviedo, center it on Cayacoa, also called Agueibana.[2] The discrepancy on which cacique in the east occupied a dominant position is not clear.

Furthermore, another limitation is that our most detailed sources on the eastern tip of the island are often centered on the two wars to “pacify” the region in the time of Ovando. This means that they rarely provide historical context or background of the region’s political landscape before the wars. Except for emphasizing the leadership of Cotubanamá in these military campaigns, they cannot easily be used to claim Cotubanamá was a paramount cacique of this region. In addition, the later sources associated with the encomienda system in the 1514 Repartimiento name many caciques of the east. Depending on which chronicler one prefers, Higuanamá, Higüey, or Cayacoa each appear on the list with large numbers of indigenous followers assigned to different encomenderos in Santo Domingo, Higüey, or other towns. But from this alone, one cannot easily presume which cacique was once the most powerful before 1492.

Nonetheless, the 16^th century sources do provide some clues. One important chronicler, who never went to the Americas but was well-positioned to read the works and speak with travelers who did cross the Atlantic, was Peter Martyr d’Anghiera. Through him, readers discover that the districts of Caizcimu, the eastern “face” of Hispaniola, included Higüey, Guanama, Reyre, Xagua, Aramana, Arabo, Hazoa (Azua), Macorix, Caicoa, Guiagua, Baguanimabo, and the mountains of Haiti (Haitises). Springs of an exceptional character were in Iguanamá, Caiacoa and Quatiaqua. Further, Caizcimu extended from the eastern point of the island to the Ozama river.[3] This information, derived in part from Andrés de Morales, whose excellent map of the island drew from indigenous toponyms and references, establishes the boundaries of Caizcimu. Within this much larger space, Higüey was just one district or section of the island’s “face.”

Additional cronistas in the 1500s wrote about Higüey. For Oviedo, perhaps one of the more racist and Hispanocentric writers of this period, Cayacoa was the paramount cacique. Ruling from the Santo Domingo area to Hayna River, and to the Yuma, Cayacoa died soon after the Christians warred with him. Succeeded by his wife, Inés de Cayacoa who converted to Christianity, Oviedo unfortunately did not elucidate further.[4] Nevertheless, Oviedo, who came to the island several years after the “pacification” of the east, believed Cayacoa was once the most powerful cacique in the region. With Higüey, his area of influence extended to the mouth of the Yuma, this included Cotubanamá and Higüey under his authority.

On the other hand, the testimony of Las Casas, who arrived in the Indies earlier than Oviedo, contradicts Oviedo’s understanding of the east. In his Historia de las Indias, Las Casas specified that Cotubanamá’s settlement was near La Saona island (although the indigenous pueblos were often located in the montes). He also believed that Higuanamá was the king or cacique of Higüey, although he expressed uncertainty regarding his memory.[5] Moreover, Las Casas provided an overview of the 2 campaigns against Higüey, led by Juan de Esquivel. Despite the first one ending with a guatiao between Esquivel (who later led the conquest of Jamaica) and Cotubanamá, the second one ended with the demise of the latter. Interestingly, the Spanish forces were accompanied by indigenous auxiliaries from Ycayagua in the second campaign. This is yet another instance in which political divisions and conflict between competing chiefdoms in the eastern part of the island were implied. To what extent Ycayagua was opposed to Cotubanamá or Higüey in precolonial times is unsure, but they clearly believed it was in their interests to align with the Spanish against Cotubanamá.[6] Even more intriguing is the long-distance ties to indigenous peoples in Puerto Rico, since they enjoyed constant contact through canoes across the Mona Channel.[7] As the aforementioned name of Agueybaná for Cayacoa makes clear, there may have been alliances with indigenous peoples in Puerto Rico that shaped how different groups within Caizcimu related to each other.

After the cronistas, some Spanish sources in the form of letters or records generated by or affiliated with the encomienda system provide some clues. For instance, one letter by Pedro de Cordoba, perhaps written in 1516, alluded to Higüey. Its importance as a source of casabe for Santo Domingo was highlighted. This correspondence also blamed Salamanca’s dog for the attack on a cacique which triggered one of the wars with Higüey. Likewise, the letters also allude to 1500 indios allegedly killed whilst 17 caciques hung in Higüey.[8] If true, then many caciques of the eastern part of Hispaniola were eliminated or removed in the early 1500s. This makes it even more arduous to attempt any reconstruction of Caizcimu’s political landscape based on the 1514 Repartimiento of Albuquerque. It nonetheless hints at an alliance of at least 17 caciques who joined forces with Cotubanamá against the Spanish in the second war of Higüey. Meanwhile, the 1517 Hieronymite Interrogatory clearly establishes a link between caciques in Higüey and those of Puerto Rico who had revolted against the Spanish in the 1510s. There a cacique named Andrés celebrated the victory of indigenous people in Borinquen whilst plotting to spread a revolt against the Spanish in Hispaniola.[9] This suggests, once again, the relevance of Puerto Rico to Higüey’s indigenous leadership in the past. With exchange, migration, and alliances being relevant factors in the area before 1492.

Map of eastern Hispaniola from 1566, showing Aguiebana near Santo Domingo (Gallica).

As for the 1514 Repartimiento, multiple caciques with names linked to paramount status appear. Some even led hundreds of followers, often split to serve different encomenderos in Santo Domingo, Salvaleón de Higüey and other towns established by the Spanish. In Salvaleón de Higüey itself, Arranz Márquez’s tabulation of the figures points to about 922 indios assigned to encomenderos in the area. The following caciques were listed: Carolina de Agara, Juan Bravo, Catalina del Habacoa, Maria Higüey, and Isabel de Iguanamá. Apart from Catalina del Habacoa, who likely came from the western tip of the island, these others were apparently from Caizcimu (or near it?). Note the appearance of cacicas with Higüey and Iguanamá in their names. Based on the names alone, one may presume some continuity with preconquest chiefly lineages or territorial divisions. Yet the occupation of the office of cacique by two women in Higüey and Iguanamá may be a sign of the role of the Spanish wars in decimating the previous leadership.[10] Either way, these two women oversaw about 85% of the indigenous population enumerated in the repartimiento, a remarkable figure.[11] Besides these two women, other caciques whose names indicate some kind of relationship with major cantons of Caizcimu also led substantial numbers of indigenous people. Take (Gonzalo Fernandez) Cayacoa, whose 405 subjects were allotted to encomenderos in Santo Domingo. Besides Cayacoa, 241 people were affiliated with Diego Leal de Aramana. Moreover, another 284 were associated with Catabano del Higüey and 211 with Agueybaná de la Saona.

Naturally, using demographic data from 1514, many years after the “pacification” and the encomienda system had drastically impacted the indigenous population, can lead to misleading results. In addition, Santo Domingo as the colonial capital with encomenderos sometimes associated with the Spanish king, colonial officials, and the upper echelons of society, undoubtedly drew upon indigenous communities from various parts of the island. One wonders how the dislocation, indigenous flight from colonial centers, and deaths caused by the “pacification” campaigns of Ovando affected the population of Caizcimu, especially those close to Santo Domingo. Despite the problems with this demographic information, it suggests Maria Higüey (and her at least 2 nitaínos) led the largest number of indigenous people in the East, 443. After her, Cayacoa, closer to Santo Domingo, led 405. Catabano del Higüey, a cacica we highly suspect led the remnants of Cotubanamá’s area of  Higüey only led 284.[12] The admittedly problematic demographic evidence points to Maria Higüey, Isabel Iguanamá and Cayacoa as leading larger communities than Catabano. If this pattern was true in precolonial times, and each of these cacicazgos included similarly large numbers of people, one can speculate that Cayacoa, Iguanamá, Higüey, and Catabano were the dominant chiefdoms in the region, perhaps without one achieving permanent superiority.

Considering the limited evidence from documentary sources and the plethora of unanswered questions and contradictions, sources from the 1500s only provide glimpses of Higüey, or Caizcimu’s indigenous sociopolitical organization. That Higüey was perceived as one of the larger kingdoms or confederations of the island, and associated with both Cayacoa and Iguanamá, may be proof of the lack of a singular paramount cacique. Perhaps the region was briefly dominated by Cayacoa to the west, then Iguanamá or Higüey achieved temporary success as most powerful cacicazgos in Caizcimu?

Analyzing Later Histories of Higüey

Moving forward to the 1700s, scholarship on the topic has not progressed much. While archaeology would later become especially important in the 20^th century, in the 1700s and 1800s, most writers usually repeated the earlier accounts by cronistas. Fortunately, ethnohistorians and archaeologists with all the advantages of new methods and perspectives in these respective fields, will raise deeper questions and challenge the narratives. This section shall briefly review writings on Higüey’s indigenous past from the 1700s and 1800s. Then, a swift reading of some of the more important studies of the island’s indigenous past will follow, focusing on modern historians writing in the late 1900s and early 2000s.

First, the 1700s. Here one often comes to Charlevoix, the Jesuit priest whose history of Saint Domingue was quite good for its time. To Charlevoix, Higüey’s population were distinct for using arrows. Like Oviedo, he named the cacique as Cayacoa, who allegedly died soon after the arrival of the Spanish. For Charlevoix, Cotubanamá then succeeded the widow of Cayacoa, Agnez Cayacoa, after her death. The familiar narrative of the 2 wars between Higüey and the Spanish then followed, with Juan de Esquivel and Cotubanamá’s guatiao relationship.[13]

Besides Charlevoix, Luis Joseph Peguero, whose history of the Spanish conquest of Hispaniola was published in the 1760s, stands out. Peguero sometimes deviated from the chronicles of prior centuries, occasionally making mistakes in his analysis. However, like Charlevoix, Peguero also viewed Cayacoa as one of the principal “kings” of the island (Guarionex, Caonabo, Behechio, Cayacoa, and Guacanagari). For him, Cayacoa “dominava toda la tierra oriental.” This encompassed the cabo de Samana to San Rafael, and from Rio Hayna to Rio Yuma. Further deviating from the standard narrative, Peguero wrote that Cayacoa’s court “se llamo Acayagua.”[14] Although Las Casas wrote of the people of Ycayagua collaborating with the Spanish in the campaign against Higüey, there is no hint of Cayacoa’s capital at Acayagua or Ycayagua. To contribute further to the confusion on the part of Peguero, he later wrote that Cotubanamá was killed alongside Cayacoa in the second war of Higüey. Nevertheless, Peguero did emphasize the significance of the montes for the indigenous people of the area: Tenían los indios de Higüey las más poblaciones dentro de las Montañas.”[15]

Next, the 19^th century witnessed the appearance of Haitian writer Émile Nau’s magisterial history of the caciques of the island. Even before Nau, Beaubrun Ardouin, in his Geographie, repeated the common claim of Cayacoa as the ruler of Higüey.[16] Nau, on the other hand, wrote extensively on the indigenous peoples and their conquest by the Spanish. Like Peguero, Nau preferred a sequence in which Cayacoa, then his widow, and finally, Cotubanamá, were the rulers of Higüey. He expanded further by speculating on “Carib” ancestry in Higüey and the allegedly colossal stature of Cotubanamá. Nau also wrote about the use of smoke signals by the Indians of Higüey during their war with the Spanish. In terms of the provinces of Higüey, he broke it down in the following list: Azoa, Maniel, Cayacoa, Bonao, Cayemi, Macao, and the capital was at the town of Higüey.[17] Nau’s focus understandably centers on Higüey’s two wars with the Spanish, but his speculations about “Carib” admixture in this part of Hispaniola may be related to the use of the bow and arrow in this region. It may be a sign of Ciguayo influence or Macorix presence.[18]  But in the main, Nau follows the standard narrative of the early chronicles with an emphasis on Cayacoa as the original “king” of Higüey.

An area of Alonso de Santa Cruz's map of Hispaniola seems to read Cotubane or Cotubano in the area of Higuey. 

In the following century, one can begin to trace the advances in the field of indigenous Caribbean archaeology, history, and linguistics. Unsurprisingly, one of the early major figures in this was Sven Loven, whose Origins of the Tainan Culture represented a major contribution. Nonetheless, he too repeated the Cayacoa narrative, in which Cayacoa and then his wife, Inés, were the rulers of Higüey.[19] Dominican historian Casimiro N. de Moya followed this, except Higuanamá succeeded Cayacoa before Cotubanamá. Moya also claimed that the people of Higüey sold captives to the Caribs and Juan de Esquivel allegedly ordered the hanging of Higuanamá.[20] Later, the Haitian academic, Michel Aubourg, in Haïti préhistorique, emphasized the bellicose nature of the Higüey Indians was due to their fighting with the Caribs. They were ruled by Cayacoa, succeeded by Cotubanamá.[21]

Subsequent authors of the last century, particularly in its second half, contributed greatly to a more nuanced reading of the various cacicazgos of Hispaniola. Anderson-Córdova’s Surviving Spanish Conquest noted the uniqueness of Higüey in the 1514 Repartimiento. Indeed, Salvaleón de Higüey was the only town that had a high average number of Indians per community (172.60 in her reading of the numbers). Although about 28% of Higüey’s remaining indigenous population was expected to provide labor for encomenderos in Santo Domingo, Anderson-Córdova was correct to note the special demographics of this part of the island.[22] Stone’s Captives of Conquest: Slavery in the Early Modern Spanish Caribbean was similarly important for stressing the enslavement of many Higüeyanos in the wars of “pacification.” She also viewed Cotubanamá as a lesser cacique of the region who, despite his lower status, was the first to rise against Ovando’s labor policies. In all, the Spanish may have brought a minimum of 4000 slaves from Higüey in those two wars, suggestive of the scale of enslavement and the dislocation experienced by communities in the early 1500s. Notarial records even indicate that dozens of Taíno slaves were in Sevilla in 1503, many likely the product of the war in Higüey.[23]

Besides these aforementioned authors, several other academics or writers have addressed the issue of Higüey’s precolonial past. Gilbert Valmé, for instance, drew from archaeological and historical literature to approach the topic. According to Valmé, Higüey, the site of El Atajdizo, of 0.47 hectares and built 1000-1300 CE, may have been at least one of the centers of the region. Caizcimu supposedly contained about 11 of what Valmé considers to be simple caciquats. Yet once again, Cayacoa (considered to have been located around Los Llanos) was presumed to have been the greatest caciquat of Caizcimu.[24] In fact, archaeological evidence does support the importance of El Atajadizo and La Aleta as ceremonial centers of the region in the past.[25] Indeed, Samuel M. Wilson has referred to El Atajadizo as a large ceremonial center, meeting the expectations of a possible center of a major cacicazgo.[26]

Last but certainly not least, more recent scholarship has produced some of the most useful works on tentatively determining the confines of Higüey. Bernardo Vega, for example, drew from various maps, the chronicles, and other sources. According to Vega, Higüey, or Higuei, was centered on the zone of the Yuma. Guaygua was located at an affluent of the Soco river. Guanama may have been an area east of La Romana. Cayacoa was in today’s Los Llanos. Aramana, by his reckoning, was to the east of Hato Mayor. Arabo was likely between La Romana and Cumayasa. Vega even proposed an etymology for the name Higuei, linking it to jaguey. This may be true since the region was full of jagueyes or springs.[27] Indeed, Peter Martyr d’Anghiera reported the presence of exceptional springs in Iguanamá, Caiacoa (Cayacoa), and Quatiaqua, perhaps support for Vega’s theory. Vega’s theory also shifts our attention to Caizcimu as a larger region encompassing Higüey and other centers, presumably based on Andrés de Morales.

Besides Vega, Jose Oliver has also investigated Higüey’s history. Whilst also reporting the general narrative of Spanish-indigenous conflicts that triggered two wars, Oliver also raises more interesting questions of the area’s precolonial antiquity. Thus, the shared material culture in cemis, stone collars, and other artifacts suggest potent ties between caciques of Puerto Rico and eastern Hispaniola, stretching back to 600 CE. Oliver contextualizes this within a larger period of 450-800 years of sustained relationships connecting Higüey to Puerto Rico.[28] Consequently, Higüey’s cultural similarities with Puerto Rico’s indigenous groups point to some inter-island or broader Caribbean exchange and relations. Moreover, one could suggest these ties may have been a factor in the appearance of common names like Agueybaná on both islands. If Cayacoa, or Agueybaná and Agueybaná in Saona were bound by kinship with what may have been the leading chiefdom in Puerto Rico, the story of Caizcimu’s competing polities or perhaps peer polities may have been related to the international dimensions of its relations.

Conclusion

Upon consideration of many of the available sources on Higüey from the 1500s to the present, its status as a paramount chiefdom remains in doubt. From sources in the 1500s, one hears of either Higuanamá or Cayacoa as the dominant cacique. While this contradiction may have been related to the different wars between the Spanish and indigenous peoples in eastern Hispaniola leading to the capture or execution of some caciques, Higüey is remarkable for the persistence of indigenous cacique names or toponyms tied to the precolonial past. Led by women, Maria Higüey and Isabel de Iguanamá, Higüey was unique for one of the only regions of the island where two women still led substantial communities comprising most of the indigenous people assigned to encomenderos in a town. Since one cannot use demographic data from 1514 to fully reconstruct what the situation was like in 1492, the data tentatively supports the existence of at least a handful of substantial chiefdoms in the “face” of Hispaniola. Later data often inherited the same confusion or contradictions in the early colonial sources, but often emphasizing Cayacoa, Cotubanamá, or Iguanamá as the paramount leaders of Higüey. This conflicting data best fits the model proposed by Alice Samson. Essentially, Higüey was not a singular or unified chiefdom but more of a network of intricately connected chiefdoms. Occasionally, one may have achieved dominance, but the available sources do not allow for a clear identification. Unlike, say, Xaragua, where sources concur with Behechio and, after him, Anacaona, as paramount chiefs, Higüey may have lacked a singular leader or matunheri chief.

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[1] Alice Sampson, Renewing the House: Trajectories of social life in the yucayeque (community) of El Cabo, Higüey, Dominican Republic, AD 800 to 1504, 95.

[2] The appearance of the name Agueybaná in Cayacoa (near the site of Santo Domingo), Saona, and Puerto Rico is hardly a coincidence. Given the longstanding ties between eastern Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, and the fact that at least one cacique in Higüey claimed to be related to caciques in the neighboring island, one can assume the name was part of the system of guatiao fictive and biological kinship relations.

[3] Peter Martyr d’Anghiera, Francis Augustus MacNutt (trans.), De orbe novo, the eight Decades of Peter Martyr d'Anghera, 366-367, 379.

[4] Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general y natural de las Indias, Primera Parte (1851), 65.

[5] In his Apologética historia sumaria, 244. Las Casas wrote of Higuanamá as an old woman who ruled Higüey in his time (presumably referring to when Las Casas participated in the second Higüey War of 1504-1505?). Cayacoa or Agueibana was to the west of Higüey, but he clearly viewed Higüey, under Higuanamá, as the paramount cacique of this region. The reference to an old woman named Higuanamá raises questions. Was she the widow of Cayacoa? And what does one make of Macao, supposedly a large pueblo of the Indians in the region (Apologetica historia sumaria, 116)? One is inclined to view large settlements or villages as more likely capitals of paramount chiefs.

[6] Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias Vol. 3, 41-42, 46-47, 85.

[7] Ibid., 235. For a speculative theory which traces the origin of the three-pointer cemi in Puerto Rico to eastern Hispaniola, see Marcio Veloz Maggiolo, Arqueología prehistórica de Santo Domingo, 251. There the author offers a fascinating theory for cultural influences from Hispaniola to Puerto Rico, which undoubtedly made Higüey an important part of this relationship.

[8] Medina, P. M. A. “CARTAS de Pedro de Córdoba y de La Comunidad Dominica, Algunas Refrendadas Por Los Franciscanos.” Guaraguao 21, no. 54 (2017): 182-183, 206.

[9] “Interrogatorio jeronimiano, 1517” in Emilio Rodriguez Demorizi, Los domínicos y las encomiendas de indios de la Isla Española, 346-347.

[10] Women leaders, or cacicas, were not necessarily a result of Spanish conquest and wars. However, the predominance of women cacicas, Catabano del Higüey, Higüey, Iguanamá and Aramana, may be partly a consequence of the brutal Spanish wars killing off or enslaving males.

[11] See Luiz Arranz Márquez, Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española: el repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514, 560-564 for numbers of indigenous people associated with caciques assigned to encomenderos in Higüey and Santo Domingo.

[12] The map of Alonso de Santa Cruz in Islario general de todas las islas del mundo depicts a region called Cotubano or Cotubane across the sea from Saona. We highly suspect this part of Higüey was ruled by Cotubanamá given his proximity to Saona.

[13] Charlevoix, Histoire de l'Isle espagnole ou de S. Domingue. Tome 1 (1730), 63, 222.

[14] Luis Joseph Peguero, Historia de la Conquista, de la Isla Española de Santo Domingo trasumptada el año de 1762: traducida de la Historia general de las Indias escrita por Antonio de Herrera coronista mayor de Su Magestad, y de las Indias, y de Castilla, y de otros autores que han escrito sobre el particular, Volume 1, 79, 110.

[15] Ibid., 147, 149.

[16] Beaubrun Ardouin, Géographie de l'ile d'Haïti: précédée du précis et de la date des événemens les plus remarquables de son histoire, 3. Haitian historian Thomas Madiou had little to say on this, although he did note that Higüey and Seybe contained a population of mixed Spanish-Indian ancestry. See Histoire d’Haiti, 1492-1807, 452.

[17] Émile Nau, Histoire des caciques d'Haïti (1894), 51, 62, 235, 242, 248, 318.

[18] The use of the bow and arrow by indigenous people in Samana was noted by Columbus in the 1490s.

[19] Sven Loven, Origins of the Tainan Culture, West Indies, 504, 526.

[20] Casimiro N. de Moya, Bosquejo histórico del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Santo Domingo y narración de los principales sucesos ocurridos en la parte española de ella desde la sumisión de su último cacique hasta nuestros días. Epoca de la conquista y gobierno de los españoles hasta la sumisión de los últimos indios. Libro primero, 30, 114. This notion of the Higüey Indians selling captives to the Caribs is interesting but appears nowhere else (to our knowledge) in the sources.

[21] Michel Aubourg, Haïti préhistorique: mémoire sur les cultures précolombiennes, Ciboney et Taino, 48.

[22] Karen F. Anderson-Córdova, Surviving Spanish Conquest: Indian Fight, Flight, and Cultural Transformation in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, 100-101.

[23] Erin Woodruff Stone, Captives of Conquest: Slavery in the Early Modern Spanish Caribbean, 44-45.

[24] Gilbert Valmé, Atabey, Yucayequey, Caney: 6000 ans d'amenagement territorial prehispanique sur l'ile d'Ayiti / Haiti/ Republique Dominicaine, 180, 200, 214-215.

[25] Kathleen Deagan, En Bas Saline: A Taíno Town before and after Columbus, 40.

[26] Samuel M. Wilson, Hispaniola: Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age of Columbus, 21. In terms of Higüey’s leadership, Wilson also repeats the narrative of Higuanamá as the major cacique, based on Las Casas.

[27] Bernardo Vega, Los cacicazgos de la Hispaniola, 23-24, 77.

[28] Jose Oliver, Caciques and Cemi Idols: The Web Spun by Taino Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, 203-204.