Lisette

A fascinating presentation on an early piece of Haitian Creole music from the mid-18th century by Jean Bernard Cerin. Anything about the origins of our language and early musical and literary uses of it are worth exploring.

Constitutions et luttes de pouvoir en Haiti

Although we have only read the first time of Claude Moise's Constitutions et luttes de pouvoir en Haiti, it is enough to understand to a greater extent the intermittent political crises that negatively impacted the country from 1804-1915. Viewing the endless battles and conflicts for political power between different branches, clans, and regional elites since the birth of Haitian independence until the US Occupation through the conflict over constitutions to legitimize various regimes illustrates more clearly the impasse the Haitian political system had reached by 1915. Since each constitution was instituted either to deny power to another branch of the elite and legitimize their own seizure of power, there was a constant danger of political intrigue, coups, and revolutions to unseat the incumbent president/Executive and restore governmental legitimacy. Of course, the source of real power in the country was the Executive, and his power came from the military who administered the provinces as commandants. Thus, regardless of any constitutional innovations to protect civil government and individual liberties, all were at risk of arbitrary and despotic presidents (or, in the case of Dessalines, Soulouque, and Christophe, emperors and kings) who had to rely on the military as the main source of authority (as well as preserving public security). 

However, as Moise's masterful study reveals, there were a number of occasions in which branches of the political elite sought to institute a truly liberal, democratic state with more power to civil authorities. The first, the 1843 Constitution, was never truly implemented as Riviere Herard was unseated and the country's elite fell back on Guerrier and Riche to neutralize the threat of the Piquets. Here, unfortunately, Moise's analysis does not extend deeper into exploring how the Piquets themselves wanted to reconstitute the state, but he is certainly correct that most of the Haitian political elite banded together to prevent any real seizure of power from the lower classes. This included military repression, government appointments to Piquet leaders and the return to "presidentialism" to protect public security. After ending the Piquet threat, the political elites, both of the "mulatto" and "noir" branches, proceeded to implement other constitutions, such as that of 1846 and 1867. The Executive branch was severely weakened in the 1870s through the rise of the Liberals and Boyer-Bazelais, who favored a government dominated by the Legislative branch. Nonetheless, their favored constitution and governmental system, designed to weaken the Executive, was impractical as there was no real constitutional solution to conflict between the Executive and Legislative bodies. 

Furthermore, the Liberals, according to Moise, lacked deeper alliances with the real source of power in the country, the military leaders, and were thus severely weakened once the inevitable return of conflict over power returned in 1879 and beyond. Intriguingly, their regime did work well under Saget and Boisrond-Canal, although the exceptional circumstances and character of those men favored the longevity of this inherently unworkable system. By the end of the era of Liberal hegemony, despotic, arbitrary regimes dominated by Presidents like Salomon (who in one letter, compared the demands of political power to African conditions), Hyppolite, and Nord Alexis became the norm. Even with the 1889 Constitution that survived until the US Occupation, each president relied on unconstitutional measures, arbitrary despotism, the military, and sometimes, outright terror, to remain in power or endeavor to control succession. 

Throughout the entire period, the conflict over power and various attempts to legitimize new regimes with legality through new constitutions was usually able to counteract any serious attempts at opening the political system or debate to the lower classes. A few exceptions occurred, however. And it is these exceptions that warrant additional attention, particularly the Piquets (who still await their historian, to paraphrase Moise), cacos, and the urban masses who supported Salnave. La foule was especially relevant during the terror of Soulouque and presumably supported, initially, Soulouque's rise to effective power and self-elevation to Emperor. In addition, the urban masses, such as the women, who rallied behind Salnave, must be analyzed for revealing the political ideology of the lower classes. The cacos in the Nord similarly warrant closer attention, although Moise seems predisposed to discount the idea of any real political debate or ideology motivating their actions in the decades leading to US Occupation. That said, it seems hard to image the cacos of the Nord completely lacking ideas about reform, even if they were doomed to fail. The challenge now is to reconstruct, to whatever extent possible, how the peasants, urban poor, and embryonic working-class envisioned a different political regime in Haiti.

Haiti in c.1818

Whilst perusing references on 19th century Haiti, we recently encountered De la République d'Haïti: île de Saint-Domingue, considérée sous ses différents rapports, ses forces, ses moyens physiques et moraux, et le caractère national de ses habitants by A. Rouzeau. Published in 1818, the author, Rouzeau, wrote a brief work on economic, political and social conditions in Haiti at the time. According to Rouzeau, it would have been impractical, expensive and unsuccessful for France to try to reconquer Haiti militarily. Instead, he focused on an alternative that would foment France's economic advantages in Haiti. 

Part of this included a rather grandiose idea of France freeing its colonies in the Americas and promoting a federation arrangement that would encourage trade with the metropole. Obviously, things did not quite work out according to Rouzeau's proposition to the French king, but it is important for recognizing how unfeasible a French military conquest of the island would be. Even with a lengthy blockade, France might still lose the conflict if other European powers drew their attention to other affairs. Moreover, the mountainous terrain and climate would make things difficult for French troops. Even against barefoot Haitian soldiers, which would have included over 30,000 in Petion's state (and about 30,000 in Christophe's kingdom), the French would have struggled to hold the island. Once the conflict ended, all that would be left is ruins, and France would have had few means of rebuilding the colony's agriculture. 

Besides his ideas about France's future in the Americas and how to increase their economic advantages in Haiti, there are a number of details here on Port-au-Prince, Les Cayes, Jacmel, Leogane, and the exports of each area. Throughout, one finds allusions to the conflict with Christophe in the Nord. Although Rouzeau was not able to visit Christophe's kingdom, which he dismissed as a barbaric despotism, he did note that people fleeing the Nord for the republic was a constant factor. Indeed, some of the officers in Petion's guard were said to have been individuals who fled Christophe's kingdom. While the Republic lacked proper regulations and laws to encourage agriculture and worker-proprietor relations, and sucreries (about 70 in the Cul-de-Sac plain) were not as productive as they could be, Christophe's kingdom did not pay ouvriers on the estates enough. In fact, Rouzier hypocritically referred to Christophe's treatment of the masses as a horror unequaled in the annals of Saint Domingue. This is rich, since the history of slavery was so recent. 

Peguero and Xaragua

Although written in the 1760s and often unclear with some of the sources for its claims, Luis Joseph Peguero's Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo contains some useful allusions to the history of Xaragua. While he seems to largely rely on Las Casas, Oviedo and Herrera, some of the references to Xaragua appear to be unique in Peguero's work. Keeping in mind that he incorrectly identified Anacaona as a wife of the ruler of Xaragua (and misrepresented her as a sister of Caonabo), Peguero's work is nonetheless worth a second look for those interested in Xaragua.

First, Peguero identified items besides cotton and casabe as tribute of Xaragua to the Spanish. For instance, salt and brazil wood were also identified as items of value by the Spanish. In addition, one finds specific caciques named who ruled areas where salt and brazil wood were plentiful. For the former, a cacique named Guanaconel, in the area of Neyba, allegedly ruled a domain which included a salt mine. For brazil wood, a cacique identified as Mateguana, ruled somewhere in the Banda del Sur (presumably located near the future settlement of Yaquimo?). Cabo de Tiburon and the principal lake of Xaragua also had brazil wood. An additional cacique at the time of Ovand, Aybanes, was said to have ruled the area near this large lake. 

Peguero also gives some figures for the vassal caciques of Xaragua and its soldiers. One is undoubtedly inflated, putting the number of warriors at the disposal of Xaragua at 20,000 when he first crossed paths with the Adelantado by the Neyba River. Peguero similarly suggests Xaragua had 32 cacique vassals. It's principal settlement, or capital, allegedly had multiple plazas with trees to provide shade. One is left unsure if the over 80 caciques serving under Anacaona at the time of Ovando's slaughter was perhaps due to Indians from other parts of Hispaniola fleeing to Xaragua beforehand or if this attests to the discrepancies in the Spanish sources. 

Last, but certainly not least, Peguero also wrote about Xaragua's fall. Putting the blame for the massacre on Sebastian de Biloria, who falsely accused Anacaona of plotting against Ovando, Peguero suggests Ovando late felt remorse for the brutal killings.  Indeed, Anacaona was also said to understand and speak some Spanish and harbor a legitimate desire for baptism. If Peguero's story is reliable, it would appear that Biloria had wanted Anacaona to side with him in a plot against Ovando and the colonial government. Once Ovando fell for Biloria's lie, however, her fate was sealed. Without Roldan as a counterweight to the colonial government (and despite his abuses) and with the treacherous method used by Ovando to eliminate Xaragua's political elite, the most powerful cacicazgo on the island was neutralized as a threat to the colonial system. The fall of Xaragua's capital, unsurprisingly, was followed by the defeat of Haniguayagua and La Guababa. The seed of Xaragua later arose to threaten the colonial regime for several years in the revolt of a cacique, Enriquillo, whose movement centered in the Bahoruco contributed to the depopulation of Yaquimo and Salvatierra de la Sabana. Indeed, Enriquillo, whose wife, Mensia Bauruco, was the said to have been the daughter of a cacique named Baurucos. Enriquillo was said to have under his command 6 captains with 70 warriors each, plus Tamayo. 

Of course, Peguero also wrote about each of the other cacicazgos and their dissolution. Some general comments on the "Taino" can also be found. Echoing chroniclers like Las Casas, we learn of the Taino penchant for trade and exchange (as well as the use of eggs, corn and supposedly cacao in buying and selling). The Taino calendar system, apparently lunar and beginning the year in spring, was also discussed. The stars, believed to be deceased Indians and bright stars former caciques, snippets of Taino cosmology are revealed in a way that is somewhat more respectful than the condescending remarks that focus on Taino idolatry and superstition.